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The colonial origins of comparative development: An empirical investigation

Ever wondered about the relationship between colonial experience and long-term economic performance across countries? Explore how colonial history shapes modern economic performance! This video dives into the research by Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson on the lasting impact of colonial institutions, particularly focusing on settler mortality and extractive systems. Learn why strong institutions matter for today’s prosperity and how history influences income disparities across nations – insights that contributed to the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences.



Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)

  1. What is the main argument of the research presented? The research argues that differences in institutions (the rules of the game in a society, including property rights protection, contract enforcement, and checks on government power) are the fundamental cause of large income disparities across countries today. They posit that current institutional quality is heavily influenced by colonial history, challenging views that emphasize geography or culture as primary determinants.

  2. How do the authors empirically support their argument? They use an instrumental variable strategy. They argue that historical settler mortality rates influenced the type of colonization strategy. Where settlers faced high mortality, colonizers were more likely to set up “extractive” institutions. Where mortality was low, they were more likely to replicate institutions from their home country that protected property rights (“inclusive” institutions). Since settler mortality is arguably unrelated to current income except through its effect on institutions, it serves as a valid instrument to estimate the causal impact of institutions on current economic performance.

  3. What is an “extractive” institution? An extractive institution, in this context, refers to a system established by colonizers primarily focused on extracting resources (like minerals, crops, or labor) from the colony for the benefit of the colonizing power. These institutions typically feature weak protection of private property for the masses, lack of checks and balances on elite power, and limited investment in public goods like education, hindering long-term broad-based economic development.

  4. Why were some colonies more likely to develop extractive institutions than others? The authors argue that the feasibility of European settlement, heavily influenced by local disease environments and resulting settler mortality, was key.

    • In high-mortality zones (e.g., parts of Africa), Europeans were discouraged from settling permanently and thus favored setting up extractive states run by a small elite to maximize resource transfer.
    • In low-mortality zones (e.g., North America, Australia), large-scale European settlement occurred. These settlers demanded institutions similar to those in their home countries, which protected their property rights and spurred investment and growth.
  5. What evidence do the authors present to link settler mortality to institutional development? The research shows a strong negative correlation between historical settler mortality rates and current measures of institutional quality, such as indexes of protection against expropriation risk. Colonies with higher estimated settler mortality in the past tend to have significantly weaker institutions protecting property rights today. This relationship holds even after controlling for other factors like latitude, climate, and continental dummies.

  6. Are there any alternative explanations for the observed correlation between colonial history and economic development? The authors explicitly test and argue against several alternatives:

    • Geography Hypothesis: While geography matters, the correlation between settler mortality and income remains strong even controlling for latitude, distance from the equator, temperature, humidity, and continent dummies. Also, the “reversal of fortune” (places richer pre-colonization are often poorer now) contradicts simple geographic determinism.
    • Disease Environment Today: They show historical mortality predicts current institutions better than the current disease environment.
    • Identity of Colonizer/Religion/Culture: The patterns hold regardless of which European power colonized the territory.
  7. What are the implications of these findings for contemporary development policy? The research strongly emphasizes the critical role of good institutions for long-term economic prosperity. It implies that development aid or strategies focused solely on capital accumulation or geography might be insufficient if underlying institutional weaknesses (like insecure property rights or corruption) are not addressed. Promoting institutions that enforce contracts, protect property, limit elite power, and provide broad incentives for investment is key.

  8. What are some limitations of the research? While highly influential, the study has limitations acknowledged by the authors and others:

    • “Black Box” of Institutions: The study often treats institutions as a broad category (e.g., “protection against expropriation”). It doesn’t delve deeply into the specifics of which institutional reforms are most effective or how they were implemented historically.
    • Measurement: Both historical settler mortality and current institutional quality are complex concepts, and their measurement relies on proxies and historical data that can have limitations.
    • Persistence Mechanisms: While showing institutions persist, the exact mechanisms driving this persistence (e.g., political power dynamics, cultural norms) could be explored further.

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Youtube Hashtags

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Youtube Keywords

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